英语的演讲稿范文精编5篇
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英语演讲稿1
As you slowly open your eyes， look around， notice where the light comes into your room； listen carefully， see if there are new sounds you can recognize； feel with your body and spirit， and see if you can sense the freshness in the air。
Yes， yes， yes， its a new day， its a different day， and its a bright day！ And most importantly， its a new beginning for your life， a beginning where you are going to make new decisions， take new actions， make new friends， and take your life to a totally unprecedented（空前的） level。
In your mind’s eye， you can see clearly the things you want to have， the paces you intend to go， the relationships you desire to develop， and the positions you aspire（励志） to reach。
You can hear your laughters of joy and happiness on the day when everything happens as you dream。 You can see the smiles on the people around you when the magic moment strikes。 You can feel your face is getting red， your heart is beating fast， and your blood is rushing all over your body， to every single corner of your being！
You know all this is real as long as you are confident， passionate and committed！（效忠的） And you are confident， you are passionate， you are committed！
You will no longer fear making new sounds， showing new facial expressions， using your body in new ways， approaching new people， and asking new questions。
You will live every single day of your life with absolute passion， and you will show your passion through the words you speak and the actions you take。
You will focus all your time and effort on the most important goals of your life。 You will never succumb（屈服，屈从） to challenges of hardships。
You will never waver（动摇） in your pursuit of excellence。 After all， you are the best， and you deserve the best！
As your coach and friend， I can assure you the door to all the best things in the world will open to you， but the key to that door is in your hand。 You must do your part。 You must faithfully follow the plans you make and take the actions you plan； you must never quit and you must never fear。 I know you must do it， you can do it， you will do it， and you will succeed！ Now stand firm and tall， make a fist， get excited， and yell it out：
I must do it！ I can do it！ I will do it！ I will succeed！
I must do it！ I can do it！ I will do it！ I will succeed！
I must do it！ I can do it！ I will do it！ I will succeed！
英语演讲2
They say that when you die your life flashes before your eyes。 Will you seeany-thing other than a small black box in the corner of your room? What have youchanged in th world? What will you leave behind?
据说人在临死前，自我的一生会从眼前闪过。除了房间角落里的一个黑色小盒子，你还能看到些什么呢？在这个世界上你改变了些什么？你又将留下些什么呢？
Or maybe you are surrounded by people all the time。duanwenw。 You are thecenter of attention and everybody loves you。 You go out with your friends，partying and having fun， but what about in the morning? You wake up with asevere headache and an upset stomach。 What about your death? Do you think it wastime to go?
或许你一向被众人所簇拥。你是众人的焦点，所有人都深爱着你。你跟朋友一齐外出参加聚会、玩乐，但到了早晨又是怎样的情形呢？你醒来时会觉得头疼得厉害，会感到胃里很难受。你会想到死亡吗？你会不会觉得自我难受得快要死掉了？
You could be the exact opposite。 You may want pany， but for whatever reasonnot have it。 Maybe you’re scared or shy。 You go home， lock yourself in yourroom， and sink into anger。
当然情景也可能正好相反。你期望有人作伴，但可能由于种。种原因，没有人陪在你身边。这可能是因为你很胆怯或是害羞。回到家里之后，你总是把自我锁在屋子里，一个人生闷气。
Are you an adventurer? Will your love of adventure lead to your end? Youcan never be quite sure when your heart and spirit will be broken。 All youradventures will one day be forgotten and it will all have been for nothing。
你喜欢冒险吗？你会一辈子酷爱冒险吗？你可能永远都无法确定自我会在什么时候感受到心灵的疲惫。但终有一天，你会忘掉所有的冒险经历，过去的一切都将荡然无存。
Or maybe you played it safe your entire life。 You outlived all thoseothers， but what for? You never did anything great; you never made anything ofyourself。 You’re alone in all your security， but that worth it? You just took upspace on th earth。
或许你安稳地度过了自我的一生。你比其他人更长寿，但那又有什么意义呢？你从未有过惊人之举；你从未完全按照自我的意愿行事。你孤独地、安稳地活着，但这样过一生值得吗？你仅仅只是以往存活于地球上而已。
They say that when you die， your life flashes before your eyes。 What willyou see?
据说人在临死前，自我的一生会从眼前闪过。你期望那时候自我能看到些什么呢？
英语演讲稿3
See, us kids are going to ansatically be happy and healthy.
es doefromDr. Roger e of those parents like mine counted it as one of the reasons they felt confident to pull their kidsfromtraditional school to try something different. I realized Im part of this small, but groputer hacker, he hacked skiing. His creativity and inventions made skiing munity, and through a net around the nation, and that sparked my love of e basic physics concepts like kinetic energy through experimenting and making mistakes.
My favorite munity organizations play a big part in my education, High Fives Foundations Basics program being aizing hats and selling them. The people cliff-to-cliff. Skiing to me is freedom, and so is my education, its about being creative; doing things differently, its about community and helping each other. Its about being happy and healthy among my very best friends.
So Im starting to think, I know what I might want to do when I grow up, but if you ask me what do I want to be when I grow up? Ill always know that I want to be happy. Thank you.
英语演讲4
英语是一种世界性语言，全世界二分之一的电话是用英语进行的，四分之三的报刊书籍是英文版的长期以来都是世界上使用最广泛的语言。学好英语，就等于打开了世界的一扇窗户，你可以享受到更广泛的资讯。那么如何学好英语呢？
一、培养学习英语的兴趣
俗话说，“兴趣是最好的老师”。那么我们怎样产生对英语学习的兴趣呢。其实同学们只要认真学习英语，你就会发现英语和我们汉语一样是很美的，读起来朗朗上口，写起来也非常流利，把学英语当成一个开心而愉快的美差，而不是硬着头皮、头悬梁、锥刺骨的苦力。。兴趣在"实践"中产生和发展的。
如果在学英语的过程中，你能够尽早地尝试使用所学的英语，那么你学习英语的兴趣将日益增加。和热爱英语的人在一起"，爱"是可以相互传递的。俗话说：近朱者赤近墨者黑。你们应该与喜爱英语的人交朋友，这样，你们对英语的爱就会相互影响、变得更强烈。你有几个喜好学英语的朋友，你们就会组成英语学习小组，一起学习阅读、口语、写作。
二、要有良好的学习态度(信心+恒心)
要想学好英语，首先要有信心。同学们：你相信自己能学好英语吗？别人能学会，我们也能学会。
同时，要想学好英语，还要有恒心。学英语是一个漫长的过程，在这之中难免会遇到困难，学英语要一鼓作气，天天坚持，记住：扎实的语言基本功是要靠勤学苦练、日积月累才能得来的，只有那些意志坚强的人才能够取得最终的成功。
三、要有良好的学习习惯和学习方法。
(一)学习习惯方面：
1.认真听课、积极参与课堂教学的习惯。要抓住课堂这一学习的主要阵地。英语课上，认真听老师讲课，同学发言。英语课上，同学们要积极主动，大胆开口练习说英语，一定不要怕出错，通过实践掌握英语的表达方式。
2.记笔记，整理笔记的习惯。听老师讲课或同学讲解时，要记好重点内容，以便将来查用。
3.背诵重点句子和课文的习惯。学习英语是一种模仿，即俗话说的比着葫芦画瓢。只有多记多背，脑子里有了葫芦才能画出瓢来。
4.纠错的习惯。准备一个纠错本，随时整理错题，还要加上注释。纠正错误即进步。
5.及时复习的习惯。单词、句型、课文、语法等很容易遗忘，因此我们要养成及时复习的习惯。
6.用英语与别人沟通的习惯。
(二)学习方法方面：
1.单词的记忆。
1)根据读音记写法，长词还要学会划分音节，分段记单词。尽量不要一个字母一个字母地背。在短语或句子中记意思。要在运用中去记忆。另外记忆单词要利用多种方法，比如分类记忆：我们把动物的有关词汇放在一起，把有关校园的有关词汇放在一起，或者天文，地理，等等。对比记忆；把同音词、同义词、反义词放在一起进行对比，效果会更好。构词法记忆：合成法，即两个单词放在一起组成一个新单词。派生法，即通过加前缀或后缀的方法构成新词。2.)及时复习，克服遗忘。
著名的艾宾浩斯遗忘曲线”告诉我们遗忘的规律是“先快后慢，先多后少“。因而不要指望一次复习就能高枕无忧。不仅在学后当天，在一天后、一周后、一月后以及在你需要用它的任何时候之前都应安排复习。上课认真听讲，及时记忆。我们记忆单词一次不要太多，5-10个，一次不要时间太长。准备一个小的单词积累本，可利用零散时间经常复习，和遗忘做斗争。如利用早操前，睡觉前，课间，饭后等时间。还要有恒心和毅力，不能三天打渔两天晒网。通过不断积累，词汇量一定会大大增加。
2.培养阅读能力。
1)要养成良好的阅读心理。阅读时心绪要安定，精神要集中，不要一遇到几个生词难句，就心烦意乱，过分紧张的情绪会影响大脑的正常思维功能。
2)培养猜词能力。可利用构词法、上下文猜测词义。
3)提高阅读速度。阅读不同于朗读，有的同学虽不出声但是嘴在动，会大大影响阅读速度。因此阅读时应做到眼动嘴不动，嘴里的小舌也不要动。另外，阅读时眼球总是不断地移动---停顿----移动着，理解是在眼停的瞬间进行的。我们要使眼停的时间相对增加，就要扩大视读的广度，把逐词逐句的点式阅读变成一次扫描一句的线式阅读，并且把看到的东西迅速报告给大脑，形成眼脑较快的直映能力。咱们语文速读有一目十行的方法，英语阅读一目一句怎么样？一定不要在个别难懂的词句上磨蹭，而影响阅读的速度。
4)学会找主题句。主题句往往在每段的开头，因此我们一定要重视每段的第一句。当然，主题句也可能在一段的最后，或在一段的中间。要灵活把握。主题句是概括性的句子。
5)较长或较难的文章可以先看问题，再读文章。
四、要有良好的学习英语的氛围。这需要我们师生共同努力，不仅英语课上尽量多使用英语，课下也要多使用英语。大大方方地说，不要怕出错，不怕别人笑话，就像小孩学说话，练得多了，自然水平就提高了。Don/tbeshy!Justtry!
同学们，“一份耕耘，一份收获”，成功的大门向勇于探索，勇于攀登的人敞开的，只要大家，刻苦努力，持之以恒，再加以正确的方法，同学们就一定会把英语学好，就一定会获得成功！最后祝同学们学习顺利。
英语演讲稿5
Good Evening, my fellow Americans.
Tonight I want to talk to you on a subject of deep concern to all Americans and to many people in all parts of the world, the war in Vietnam.
I believe that one of the reasons for the deep division about Vietnam is that many Americans have lost confidence in what their Government has told them about our policy. The American people cannot and should not be asked to support a policy which involves the overriding issues of war and peace unless they know the truth about that policy.
Tonight, therefore, I would like to answer some of the questions that I know are on the minds of many of you listening to me.
How and why did America get involved in Vietnam in the first place?
How has this administration changed the policy of the previous Administration?
What has really happened in the negotiations in Paris and the battlefront in Vietnam?
What choices do we have if we are to end the war?
What are the prospects for peace?
Now let me begin by describing the situation I found when I was inaugurated on Jan. 20th: The war had been going on for four years. Thirty-one thousand Americans had been killed in action. The training program for the South Vietnamese was behind schedule. Five hundred forty-thousand Americans were in Vietnam with no plans to reduce the number. No progress had been made at the negotiations in Paris and the United States had not put forth a comprehensive peace proposal.
The war was causing deep division at home and criticism from many of our friend, as well as our enemies, abroad.
In view of these circumstances, there were some who urged withdrawal of all American forces. From a political standpoint, this would have been a popular and easy course to follow. After all, we became involved in the war while my predecessor was in office. I could blame the defeat, which would be the result of my action, on him -- and come out as the peacemaker. Some put it to me quite bluntly: this was the only way to avoid allowing Johnson’s war to become Nixon’s war.
But I had a greater obligation than to think only of the years of my Administration, and of the next election. I had to think of the effect of my decision on the next generation, and on the future of peace and freedom in America, and in the world.
Let us all understand that the question before us is not whether some Americans are for peace and some Americans are against peace. The question at issue is not whether Johnson’s war becomes Nixon’s war. The great question is: How can we win America’s peace?
Well, let us turn now to the fundamental issue: why and how did the United States become involved in Vietnam in the first place? Fifteen years ago North Vietnam, with the logistical support of Communist China and the Soviet union , launched a campaign to impose a Communist government on South Vietnam by instigating and supporting a revolution.
In response to the request of the Government of South Vietnam, President Eisenhower sent economic aid and military equipment to assist the people of South Vietnam in their efforts of prevent a Communist takeover. Seven years ago, President Kennedy sent 16,000 military personnel to Vietnam as combat advisers. Four years ago, President Johnson sent American combat forces to South Vietnam.
Now many believe that President Johnson’s decision to send American combat forces to South Vietnam was wrong. And many others, I among them, have been strongly critical of the way the war has been conducted.
But the question facing us today is -- now that we are in the war, what is the best way to end it?
In January I could only conclude that the precipitate withdrawal of all American forces from Vietnam would be a disaster not only for South Vietnam but for the United States and for the cause of peace.
For the South Vietnamese, our precipitate withdrawal would inevitably allow the Communists to repeat the massacres which followed their takeover in the North 15 years before. They then murdered more than 50,000 people and hundreds of thousands more died in slave labor camps.
We saw a prelude of what would happen in South Vietnam when the Communists entered the city of Hue last year. During their brief rule there, there was a bloody reign of terror in which 3,000 civilians were clubbed, shot to death, and buried in mass graves.
With the sudden collapse of our support, these atrocities at Hue would become the nightmare of the entire nation and particularly for the million-and-a half Catholic refugees who fled to South Vietnam when the Communists took over in the North.
For the United States this first defeat in our nation’s history would result in a collapse of confidence in American leadership not only in Asia but throughout the world.
Three American Presidents have recognized the great stakes involved in Vietnam and understood what had to be done.
In 1963 President Kennedy with his characteristic eloquence and clarity said we want to see a stable Government there, carrying on the struggle to maintain its national independence.
We believe strongly in that. We are not going to withdraw from that effort. In my opinion, for us to withdraw from that effort would mean a collapse not only of South Vietnam but Southeast Asia. So we’re going to stay there.
President Eisenhower and President Johnson expressed the same conclusion during their terms of office.
For the future of peace, precipitate withdrawal would be a disaster of immense magnitude. A nation cannot remain great if it betrays its allies and lets down its friends. Our defeat and humiliation in South Vietnam without question would promote recklessness in the councils of those great powers who have not yet abandoned their goals of world conquest. This would spark violence wherever our commitments help maintain the peace -- in the Middle East, in Berlin, eventually even in the Western Hemisphere. Ultimately, this would cost more lives. It would not bring peace. It would bring more war.
For these reasons I rejected the recommendation I should end the war by immediately withdrawing all of our forces. I chose instead to change American policy on both the negotiating front and the battle front in order to end the war on many fronts. I initiated a pursuit for peace on many fronts. In a television speech on May 14, in a speech before the United Nations, on a number of other occasions, I set forth our peace proposals in great detail.
We have offered the complete withdrawal of all outside forces within one year. We have proposed to cease fire under international supervision. We have offered free elections under international supervision with the Communists participating in the organization and conduct of the elections as an organized political force.
And the Saigon government has pledged to accept the result of the election.
We have not put forth our proposals on a take-it-or-leave-it basis. We have indicated that we’re willing to discuss the proposals that have been put forth by the other side. We have declared that anything is negotiable, except the right of the people of South Vietnam to determine their own future.
At the Paris peace conference Ambassador Lodge has demonstrated our flexibility and good faith in 40 public meetings. Hanoi has refused even to discuss our proposals. They demand our unconditional acceptance of their terms which are that we withdraw all American forces immediately and unconditionally and that we overthrow the government of South Vietnam as we leave.
We have not limited our peace initiatives to public forums and public statements. I recognized in January that a long and bitter war like this usually cannot be settled in a public forum.
That is why in addition to the public statements and negotiations, I have explored every possible private avenue that might lead to a settlement.
Tonight, I am taking the unprecedented step of disclosing to you some of our other initiatives for peace, initiatives we undertook privately and secretly because we thought we thereby might open a door which publicly would be closed.
I did not wait for my inauguration to begin my quest for peace. Soon after my election, through an individual who was directly in contact on a personal basis with the leaders of North Vietnam, I made two private offers for a rapid, comprehensive settlement.
Hanoi’s replies called in effect for our surrender before negotiations. Since the Soviet union furnishes most of the military equipment for North Vietnam, Secretary of Stare Rogers, my assistant for national security affairs, Dr. Kissinger; Ambassador Lodge and I personally have met on a number of occasions with representatives of the Soviet Government to enlist their assistance in getting meaningful negotiations started.
In addition, we have had extended discussions directed toward that same end with representatives of other governments which have diplomatic relations with North Vietnam.
None of these initiatives have to date produced results. In mid-July I became convinced that it was necessary to make a major move to break the deadlock in the Paris talks.
I spoke directly in this office, where I’m now sitting, with an individual who had known Ho Chi Minh on a personal basis for 25 years. Through him I sent a letter to Ho Chi Minh.
I did this outside the usual diplomatic channels with the hope that with the necessity of making statements for propaganda removed, there might be constructive progress toward bringing the war to an end.
“Dear Mr. President:
“I realize that it is difficult to communicate meaningfully across the gulf of four years of war. But precisely because of this gulf I wanted to take this opportunity to reaffirm in all solemnity my desire to work for a just peace. I deeply believe that the war in Vietnam has gone on too long and delay in bringing it to an end can benefit no one, least of all the people of Vietnam. The time has come to move forward at the conference table toward an early resolution of this tragic war. You will find us forthcoming and open-minded in a common effort to bring the blessings of peace to the brave people of Vietnam. Let history record that at this critical juncture both sides turned their face towards peace rather than toward conflict and war."
I received Ho Chi Minh’s reply on Aug. 30, three days before his death. It simply reiterated the public position North Vietnam had taken at Paris and flatly rejected my initiative. The full text of both letters is being released to the press.
In addition to the public meetings that I’ve referred to, Ambassador Lodge has met with Vietnam’s chief negotiator in Paris in 11 private sessions.
And we have taken other significant initiatives which must remain secret to keep open some channels of communications which may still prove to be productive.
But the effect of all the public, private and secret negotiations which have been undertaken since the bombing halt a year ago, and since this Administration came into office on Jan. 20, can be summed up in one sentence: No progress whatever has been made except agreement on the shape of the bargaining table.
Well, now, who’s at fault? It’s becoming clear that the obstacle in negotiating an end to the war is not the President of the United States. It is not the South Vietnamese Government. The obstacle is the other side’s absolute refusal to show the least willingness to join us in seeking a just peace.
And it will not do so while it is convinced that all it has to do is to wait for our next concession, and our next concession after that one, until it gets everything it wants.
There can now be no longer any question that progress in negotiation depends only on Hanoi ’s deciding to negotiate -- to negotiate seriously.
I realize that this report on our efforts on the diplomatic front is discouraging to the American people, but the American people are entitled to know the truth -- the bad news as well as the good news -- where the lives of our young men are involved.
Now let me turn, however, to a more encouraging report on another front. At the time we launched our search for peace, I recognized we might not succeed in bringing an end to the war through negotiations. I therefore put into effect another plan to bring peace -- a plan which will bring the war to an end regardless of what happens on the negotiating front.
It is in line with the major shift in U. S. foreign policy which I described in my press conference at Guam on July 25.
Let me briefly explain what has been described as the Nixon Doctrine -- a policy which not only will help end the war in Vietnam but which is an essential element of our program to prevent future Vietnams.
We Americans are a do-it-yourself people -- we’re an impatient people. Instead of teaching someone else to do a job, we like to do it ourselves. And this trait has been carried over into our foreign policy.
In Korea, and again in Vietnam, the United States furnished most of the money, most of the armament and most of the men to help the people of those countries defend their freedom against Communist aggressions.
Before any American troops were committed to Vietnam, a leader of another Asian country expressed this opinion to me when I was traveling in Asia as a private citizen.
He said: “When you are trying to assist another nation defend its freedom, United States policy should be to help them fight the war, but not to fight the war for them.”
Well in accordance with this wise counsel, I laid down in Guam three principles of guidelines for future American policy toward Asia .
First, the United States will deep all of its treaty commitments.
Second, we shall provide a shield if a nuclear power threatens the freedom of a nation allied with us, or of a nation whose survival we consider vital to our security.
Third, in cases involving other types of aggression we shall furnish military and economic assistance when requested in accordance with our treaty commitments. But we shall look to the nation directly threatened to assume the primary responsibility of providing the manpower for its defense.
I pledge to you tonight that I shall meet this responsibility with all of the strength and wisdom I can command, in accordance with your hopes, mindful of your concerns, sustained by your prayers.
Thank you.
小知识提示：好的演讲稿，应该既有热情的。鼓动，又有冷静的分析，要把抒情和说理有机地结合起来，做到动之以情，晓之以理。